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The Spanish-speaking Americas constitute a vast area of contiguous territories where communication in the same language is possible. However, it is not a monolingual territory. The countries that make it up, with a few significant exceptions, use two or more languages for specific social contexts or community groups, without preventing Spanish from being their primary means of communication. It is worth paying attention to the linguistic diversity of America, with special focus on indigenous languages and their social status. The history of linguistic diversity in Hispanic America reflects a gradual decrease in indigenous languages, although in recent years, they have regained prestige and political presence. The future of linguistic diversity must strike a balance between the widespread social and international use of Spanish and the necessary respect for minority languages and cultures.

Analysis: The American continent is a vast territory that can be traversed from end to end, knowing only four languages: English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish. Of these, Spanish is the most widely spoken language in the continent, with the added fact that demographic movements in the last hundred years have made it possible to find Spanish speakers in almost every corner of the continent. Therefore, Spanish is currently the most widely spoken language in the Americas, and logically, the main vehicle for social communication in Hispanic America. In fact, Spanish-speaking America constitutes one of the largest areas in the world, with contiguous territories where communication in the same language is possible.

However, Hispanic America is not a monolingual area, far from it. The countries that make it up, with significant exceptions, use two or more languages among certain groups of their population and for specific community contexts. The languages that coexist with Spanish in Hispanic America have different origins: there are creole varieties of Spanish, such as Colombian Palenquero, and English, as seen in Central America. There are mixed varieties, such as the Uruguayan border dialect, and enclaves of other European languages, like those in southern Chile that still speak German or those in southern Argentina that have only recently lost Welsh. But among all these linguistic varieties, the most important quantitatively are those labeled as indigenous languages. Throughout history, these languages have established various forms of contact with Spanish, with a wide range of social and linguistic solutions.

The Evolution of Indigenous Languages:

Indigenous languages have survived in Hispanic America for the last 500 years in coexistence with the Spanish language. Estimates from Antonio Tovar for the 16th century indicate the use of around 170 major language families, branching into linguistic varieties and subvarieties, totaling about 2,000 languages. These languages were used by a population that, at the time of colonization, could have been somewhere between 10 and 45 million indigenous people.

Understanding how this linguistic diversity was affected by the arrival of Europeans in the 16th and 17th centuries requires taking into account the following facts:

(a) The linguistic mosaic of South and Central America was highly fragmented, which could favor the spread of a vehicular language for exchange.

(b) The indigenous population was drastically reduced in some regions due to external factors such as armed conquest and contact with new diseases.

(c) In America, there were some indigenous languages of greater extension, which were used by Europeans as a tool for evangelization, contributing to their wider dissemination and the emergence of the concept of "general languages." These languages served as lingua franca among different ethnicities and as a means of communication with the colonizing population.

The most important indigenous languages in terms of demographic and cultural significance have been Arawakan, Nahuatl, Maya, Quechua, Aymara, Chibchan, Araucanian or Mapuche, and Guarani. In the social history of these and other indigenous languages in Hispanic America, the two factors that most seriously threatened their survival were the demographic decline resulting from the conquest, which took about a century to mitigate, and the loss of prestige and community presence caused by the choice of Spanish as the language of the young republics by the criollos who led the independence movements. Additionally, indigenous languages remained outside the general processes of literacy and the spread of mass media in the second half of the 20th century.

The current situation presents some significant figures. Regarding the number of living indigenous languages, it is interesting to note that by the end of the 19th century, Count de la Viñaza provided accurate references to more than 800 languages (Indigenous Languages of America, Madrid, 1892), while today, experts in linguistic typology estimate around 725 living languages in Hispanic America (J.C. Moreno Cabrera, The Universe of Languages, Castalia, Madrid, 2003). These figures reveal that over the last century, the decline of indigenous languages has not been rapid, despite the fact that indigenous peoples, in general, have lived in cultural, socioeconomic, and political marginalization.

Moreover, census data from 2000 to 2004 show that in Spanish-speaking countries in the Americas, where Spanish is the official language, the indigenous population exceeds 35 million, representing about 11% of the total population. Among indigenous peoples, approximately 65% can communicate in their native language, and 15% are monolingual. Consequently, nearly 35% of indigenous people are monolingual in Spanish. To complete this overview of indigenous languages, less than 2% of the population in all of Hispanic America communicates exclusively in an indigenous language, and 70% of indigenous peoples have fewer than 5,000 members, maintaining a historical fragmentation that only compensates for the demographic weight of languages like Quechua, with around seven million speakers (mainly in Bolivia and Peru), or Nahuatl, with one and a half million speakers in Mexico. Central America and the Andes have the highest density of indigenous population.

Social Presence of Indigenous Languages:

The coexistence of Spanish and indigenous languages in Hispanic society can be characterized as diglossic, where one language is used for public or socially prestigious purposes, while the other is used for family communication. Indigenous languages serve primarily as a means of communication within indigenous communities or for family exchanges. It is true that in some areas of Central America and the Andean countries, there are bilingual education programs and indigenous language instruction. However, these programs are often limited due to the lack of appropriate educational materials, well-prepared teachers, and adequate resources, resulting in their value being largely symbolic. In fact, there is a strong association between indigenous people and illiteracy in America, as demonstrated by Myrna Cunningham ("Bilingual Intercultural Education in Multicultural Contexts," Guatemala, 2001).

Due to social factors, such as those mentioned above, as well as demographic factors, the reality of indigenous languages shows a progressive decrease in their knowledge and use. The proportion of indigenous language speakers decreases as the number of Spanish speakers increases. Unfortunately, censuses do not provide consistent information on this matter across all Hispanic countries, and the way questions are asked can lead to significantly different figures from one country to another. Nevertheless, the reduction in the proportion of indigenous language speakers is generally observed. This trend is evident in countries like Bolivia or Ecuador. In the case of Paraguay, there has been no significant reduction in the percentage of Guarani speakers in recent years, but there has been an increase in the proportion of Spanish speakers, rising from 55% to 69% of the population.

A good reflection of the social space that indigenous peoples occupy within a country is the way statistics related to their demographics, language, and culture are treated. Government bodies often overlook the less numerous ethno-linguistic differences, so that in Hispanic America, out of the 725 indigenous languages, only around 350 linguistic varieties are specifically distinguished in sociological and census information, while the rest are categorized as "other languages" or simply ignored. Moreover, the identification of the indigenous population is based on subjective concepts of self-identification and self-recognition, as the criterion of language is used secondarily. This means that anyone who recognizes or identifies themselves as indigenous counts as such, regardless of phenotypic traits, but this criterion is hindered by the negative social and cultural connotations often associated with being indigenous.

In terms of population and housing censuses in Hispanic America, significant progress has been made in the last fifteen years in terms of the comprehensiveness and regularity of collected information, as well as the importance of household surveys. However, in indigenous matters, there are several general deficiencies and challenges, such as the lack of comprehensiveness in addressing cultural and educational aspects, variations between countries in the questions aimed at obtaining this data, and the attempt to identify indigenous people through a single question like "Are you indigenous?" when the reality suggests that the concepts of ethnicity, language, and geography should be distinguished, as they do not always coincide.

Policy and Indigenous Cultures:

The field of international relations has characterized indigenous peoples as natural, poor, beset by political obstacles within their countries, and assimilated into contemporary Western culture. This has been the case for the last 500 years, especially since the early 18th century. However, as the cultural and linguistic presence of indigenous peoples within Hispanic societies seems to be decreasing in the last decade, there is a political trend towards recognizing and granting public spaces that were previously denied to them.

From a linguistic perspective, it is noteworthy how the rigidity of diglossia (Language A for social prestige, Language B for family use) has begun to break down in recent years. In the inauguration ceremony of the latest president of Paraguay, beyond symbolic or populist gestures, the new president publicly used Guarani, incorporating it into a speech in Spanish.

On the other hand, the assertion of indigenous languages is gradually becoming part of the discourse of various political parties in the Americas, often aligning with the approaches of European linguistic nationalism. This has sometimes led to the characterization of Spanish as a foreign or invasive language. As a counterbalance, there is a powerful official discourse that emphasizes the virtues of Spanish as an essential means of communication, characterizing it as a mestizo language forged with contributions from all Hispanic peoples, necessary for the defense of their interests. The future of linguistic diversity in the Americas must balance the defense of this diversity with the understanding of Spanish. This balance is vital for communication among Hispanic countries and for interaction between diverse ethnic groups within these territories.

The linguistic situation in Hispanic America reveals widespread knowledge and use of the Spanish language, coexisting with minority languages, with indigenous languages being the most significant socially. Any sociocultural or political action that affects this reality requires a proper understanding and management of information related to the number of indigenous people, the number of indigenous groups, the geographical and social context of these groups, and the number of monolingual and bilingual speakers of indigenous languages. The conceptual separation of ethnicity, language, and territory is fundamental and should be reflected in census questions, household surveys, or any other sociolinguistic studies.

The social history of indigenous languages in Hispanic America reveals that, after the quantitative reduction resulting from the conquest and colonization process and the subsequent relegation caused by the adoption of Spanish as the language of Hispanic American republics, the situation of these languages has relatively stabilized in the last hundred years, albeit in a slow process of minorization. Therefore, it can be said that the current presence of indigenous languages in Hispanic American countries is marginal from a sociocultural perspective, mainly in quantitative terms. However, in the political sphere, there is a trend towards recognizing indigenous rights, as evidenced by constitutional reforms approved in the 1990s.

Indeed, the voice of indigenous people is becoming increasingly audible, but it is less often heard in an indigenous language. The linguistic diversity is a heritage that Hispanic America must preserve, and it is their responsibility to reconcile this defense with the knowledge of Spanish. This balance should allow for the cultivation of both Spanish and the maintenance of indigenous languages within their domains through appropriate educational programs that are not incompatible with bilingualism.

The analysis of the current situation seems to indicate that the future of linguistic diversity in Hispanic America, especially regarding the coexistence of Spanish and indigenous languages, could move between two powerful and potentially opposing trends: sociocultural minorization and political revitalization. On one hand, the social and cultural presence of indigenous languages in Hispanic communities appears to be gradually decreasing in an inexorable process of minorization. On the other hand, the political environment in Hispanic America seems to be expanding the space for indigenous components, granting them unprecedented legal rights in the last two centuries. These constitutional reforms and the international rise of the multiculturalism paradigm are fostering the restoration of the prestige of indigenous peoples, their languages, and cultures.

The consequences of this change in direction can be observed on various fronts, including sociolinguistics. Politically, it is significant that Evo Morales came to power in Bolivia, symbolizing the recognition of indigenous culture. Sociolinguistically, it is interesting to note how the rigidity of diglossia is beginning to break down. In the inauguration of the latest president of Paraguay, beyond symbolic or populist gestures, the new president publicly used Guarani, incorporating it into a speech in Spanish.

However, the political danger could arise if confrontation is sought between indigenous groups and the majority Hispanic-speaking community. The reality is that the culture of Hispanic American countries, as a whole, cannot be understood without the indigenous element, but the future of indigenous groups necessarily depends on finding ways of coexistence with the majority population. These approaches should make it possible to cultivate both Spanish and the maintenance of indigenous languages in their domains through appropriate educational programs that should not be incompatible with bilingualism.

Latin America and the World

The inception of this thematic issue of Latin American Dialogues stemmed from the efforts of LACUA, the Latin American Center at the University of Aarhus, an interdisciplinary initiative aimed at examining various aspects of the current Latin American reality. With a diverse team from multiple faculties, the center is engaged in research activities focusing on the social, political, health, cultural, and environmental challenges present in today’s Latin America. Their objective is to equip the Danish society with tools that enhance economic, political, cultural, and scientific interaction with this vibrant and extensive global region.

LACUA focuses part of its research on language acquisition, linguistic competencies, and cultural exchange in Latin America. This focus is crucial as Latin America's global progression largely depends on successful intercultural communication, which relies on foreign language proficiency and intercultural understanding. Effective intercultural communication is more productive when both parties are adequately prepared. Thus, efforts made by Latin American countries in linguistic training and global community efforts, particularly by entities such as the European Union and Denmark, to enhance necessary linguistic and intercultural competencies will be mutually beneficial.

Three Aspects of Linguistic Policies: Foreign Languages, Minority Languages, Spanish, and Portuguese as Foreign Languages

It’s evident that integration into the global sphere involves more than just learning English. Mastery of English is undoubtedly essential, but not solely sufficient. There seems to be a prevailing tension between a pluralistic view supporting multi-language learning and a utilitarian view advocating for the dominance of English as an international lingua franca.

A significant issue in Latin America, as in many regions, is the status of each country's minority languages, impacting communities and individuals. Efforts are needed to incorporate all societal layers within each country’s legal and educational systems, safeguarding their rights and promoting social inclusiveness. This is particularly relevant for indigenous languages and communities, representing the region’s original inhabitants.

In terms of globalization, there is also a rising prominence for learning Latin America’s official languages, primarily Spanish and Portuguese, as foreign languages. This development creates economic opportunities but also presents several complex challenges that require addressing, such as educational system preparedness to meet increased demands for teachers, learning materials, specialized institutions, and certification systems.

Four Countries, Four Stories

This thematic section of Latin American Dialogues features contributions from notable Latin American researchers and educators who explore their respective countries' situations. The detailed exposition provides a comprehensive view of the sociolinguistic circumstances in these countries, highlighting political, social, and ideological backgrounds influencing current conditions and potential future directions. Despite governmental awareness of the importance of robust linguistic policies and numerous reform efforts, the implementation of educational and linguistic initiatives often yields less satisfactory outcomes than anticipated.

Key Findings:

Student proficiency in foreign languages is often low, potentially due to methodological shortcomings, inadequate educational materials, and gaps in teacher training.

Despite advocating for diverse language learning, English remains predominant, with a low emphasis on indigenous and minority languages.